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GGP at a Glance No. 32 / February 2017
 

The experience of poverty during childhood is associated with poorer outcomes in terms of a child’s health, education, psycho-social wellbeing and socio-economic attainment in later life. Levels of children living in families struggling to make ends meet financially vary significantly across Europe. Additionally, the percentage of children living in poverty is higher among children living in reconstituted families than children living in biological families. In Central and Eastern Europe, the percentage of children living in reconstituted families that experience financial hardship is between 75% in Lithuania and 95% in Bulgaria.  Notably, despite lower percentages of children living in poverty in Western and Northern Europe, there is still a significantly larger percentage of children living in reconstituted families experiencing financial hardship as compared with children living in biological families. 

 Percentage of Children whose household struggles to make ends meet financially

Generations and Gender Survey, Wave 1. Subjective poverty was meausred using variable a1002 and includes families who said they made ends meet with either “Great Difficulty” or “Some Difficulty”. Children in single parent households were excluded from the analysis. 

GGP at a Glance No. 31 / December 2016
 

Migration can have profound consequences for family solidarity: when adult children leave the country of origin, ageing parents are deprived of potential care and support. This is especially disruptive in societies where families play an indispensable role in care and welfare provisions, as is the case in Eastern Europe. A comparison of the migrant population to the origin and destination populations gives a hint as to whether migrants adapt to the host country or they preserve their heritage. Figure 1 shows that Poles living in Poland strongly abide by family obligation norms—more than 80% of respondents, regardless of gender, agree that children should take responsibility for caring for their parents when parents are in need. In the Netherlands, the support for this statement was lower—43%, with females showing less support than males. In comparison, Polish migrants’ support for filial obligation is more in line with what is observed in Poland, although it is slightly lower (72%, no gender difference). This result could point towards a selection effect, with less traditional individuals being more likely to leave the country. Nevertheless, Polish migrants seem to maintain the traditional model of family ties existing in Poland.

Support for filial norms in the Netherlands, Poland and amongst Poles in the Netherlands

Generations and Gender Survey, Wave 1 for the Netherlands and Poland, FPN study for Polish migrants, Wave 1 for Polish migrants in the Netherlands. Note: Population aged 18-59 years old who either agree or strongly agree with the statement that “Children should take responsibility for caring for their parents when parents are in need”

GGP at a Glance No. 30 / October 2016
 

Gender equality varies considerably across Europe. In many countries, there is still a strong belief intraditional gender roles as can be seen from the figure below. In Central and Eastern Europe, thereis still a large proportion of the population that believes men shoud be prioritised for jobs when thereis a scarcity of work. This is in stark contrast to Scandinavia and Western Europe where such viewsare much less common. The big difference between countries such as France and Bulgaria howeveris in the views of men and not women. In France, 18% of women believe men should get priority forjobs when work is scarce and in Bulgaria it is only a little higher at 20%. However when we look at thesame figures for men they are 19% and 41% respectively. This would suggest that the biggest differencebetween Western Europe and Eastern Europe is men’s attitudes towards gender equality. The largedifference in attitudes between men and women in Eastern Europe could also be causing very differentexpectations about family life, careers and relationships as men seek traditional arrangements whilstwomen seek gender equality.

The percentage who agree with the statement that "When Jobs are scarce, men should have more right to a job than women"

Generations and Gender Survey, Wave 1. Population aged 18-79 years old who either agree or strongly agree with the statement that “when jobs are scarce, men should hve more right to a job than women"

GGP at a Glance No. 29 / August 2016
 

Relationship satisfaction is a key indicator in the GGS. It has been shown to be highly predictive of future break ups and highly correlated with other indicators of well-being. Understanding what makes for a satisfying relationship, and what policy makers could possibly do to help, is possible using data from the GGS. In their paper to be presented at the European Population Conference in Mainz, Van Damme and Dykstra examine how gender equality within a couple shapes their relationship satisfaction, and the degree to which gender equality within wider society might affect this. Their results suggest that women are less satisfied when they have more resources, in terms of education, relative to their partner. Conversely, when their resources are measured in absolute terms, women with more education and occupational status are more satisfied with their relationships. When looking at the social context, the results suggest that women in more egalitarian societies are more satisfied with their relationships. The full results of the analysis will be presented by the authors in Session 73 in Room P 101 at 11am on Friday 2nd September.

Figure 1: The average relationship satisfaction of individuals in couples (Scale of 0 to 10)

Van Damme & Dykstra (2016) “Relative resources and marital instability: a comparison of eightEuropean countries”, Session 73. Families and gender

GGP at a Glance No. 28 / June 2016
 

The large sample sizes of the Generations anfd Gender Survey allow researchers to understand how various minority groups might differ in some of their behaviour from the rest of the population. One such group that is well covered and relevant to the work of the GGP is same-sex couples. With the increasing prevelance of same sex marriage across the world, it is important for both social scientists and policy makers to understand how these couples compare to other couples. Below we see the proportion of couples that divide various household tasks equally, broken down by sexual orientation of the couple. What is clear is that same-sex couples tend to be more egalitarian in the distribution of tasks compared to heterosexual couples. The difference does however differ depending on the task.

Figure 1: The percentage of couples who share specific household tasks equally by sexuality

Bauer, G. (2016). Gender Roles, Comparative Advantages and the Life Course: The Division of Domestic Labor in Same-Sex and Different-Sex Couples. European Journal of Population, 32(1), 99-128. Note: The empirical analysis is based upon the Generations and Gender Survey from Austria, Belgium, France, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and Australia.

GGP at a Glance No. 27 / April 2016
 

The Generations and Gender Programme provides contextual data for use alongside its survey data. These are held in the Contextual Database (CDB) and the Contextual Data Collection (CDC). The CDB provides 74 indicators for more than 60 countries.  Beyond providing data that facilitate multilevel modelling, the CDB also represents a useful resource for alternative approaches that aim to account for contextual conditions, or for macro-level investigations: e.g., fixed-effects models, geoadditive and geostatistical approaches, fuzzy-set analyses, (agent-based) simulations, and time-series analyses. The CDC provides data on the countries covered by the GGS including approximately 253 indicators . Among these indicators are around 127 national-level time series, 67 sub-national regional variables, and 59 policy histories that contain standardised descriptions of policy reforms. The information dates back to the 1970s so that it can be used in combination with the life histories collected in the GGS. This data is freely available and ready for download via the GGP website.

The GGP Contextual Database Interface

GGP at a Glance No. 26 / February 2016
 

The GGP has very detailed information about individuals life histories and how their circumstances have changed over time. Below we have the life courses of 21,784 women aged 50-60 in 14 countries and how their family status has changed since they were 20 years old. Each line in the graph represents an individual’s life course and their change in status over a 30 year period. Some individuals, like those at the top of the graph, never have a partner and never have a child. Others have children with a partner but then seperate with them and raise the children alone. This image represents over 60,000 years in the life’s of our participants and researchers can then use the rich detail of this picture to examine the causes and consequences of our life stories and find patterns in this tapestry.

Family status of  Women between the ages of 20-50 in 14 European Countries

GGP at a Glance No. 25 / December 2015
 

When Dads help with the childcare it can free up Mums to return to the labour market and continue their careers. However, analysis using GGP data shows that it’s also important to see what types of tasks Dads are helping out with. ‘Time Structured’ tasks like dressing and feeding children are more closely associated with a Mum’s return to work than more ‘Time Flexible’ tasks such a playing with the children or helping them with homework. Enabling fathers to be involved in such ‘Time Structured’ tasks is difficult to achieve however as they often clash with their own work schedule. This suggests that increasing father’s involvement in ‘Time Structured’ tasks may require bold policy innovations that help change well established practices. The analysis looked at fathers from 17 countries but was unable to find current policy arrangements or labour market indicators that supported father’s engagement in such tasks.

Proportion of fathers with children aged 0-2 participating at least equally in ‘Time Structured’ and ‘Time Flexible’ Childcare tasks in 17 Countries

GGP at a Glance No. 24 / October 2015
 

Couples living together before marriage has become increasingly common over the past few decades. This raises the question of whether marriages preceded by cohabitation are more or less stable and enduring as marriages in which the couple have not previously lived together. Some argue that cohabitation lessens people’s commitment to partnership and thus increases their risk of divorce, while others believe that a cohabitation phase before marriage (as a trial marriage) would strengthen marital stability. In the United States, data suggest that the effect of cohabitation on marriage is at best neutral; however, in European countries, the effect of cohabitation on marital stability varies markedly, according to a study covering the last decade of the twentieth century (Liefbroer and Dourleijn, 2006). Figure 1 indicates just how much union stability varies across countries for both those who have cohabited prior to marriage and those who have not. The GGS enables us to examine whether this pattern has changed over time or differs across groups within society.

Mean duration in years of heterosexual 21-79 year old individuals first union which was a cohabiting relationship followed by marriage or a marriage not preceded by cohabitation

GGP at a Glance No. 23 / August 2015
 

The GGP’s longitudinal design allows researchers to examine how relationships change over time and in response to people’s changing lives. For example, we can examine how the birth of a first child affects the distribution of household work (excluding childcare) within a couple. From the graph below we can see that the majority of couples are to the left of the graph, showing that women do more of the housework even before the arrival of children. At wave 2 these couples, who have all had a child, are primarily still below the gender equality line. The orange line in the graph represents the point at which the distribution of household tasks is the same before and after the arrival of child. Interestingly, there are  a roughly equal number of couples on either side of the line. This means that for some couples the distribution of household tasks becomes more gender unequal where in others,  it becomes more gender equal. The GGS allows us to probe further and examine what types of couples are in the first group and what type of couples are in the latter.

Distribution of Household Tasks before and after the birth of a couples first child

GGP at a Glance No. 22 / June 2015
 

This month sees the release of the Wave 1 data for Sweden. The GGP now has publicly available data for 19 countries, allowing researchers to examine how lifecourses unfold in a wide variety of contexts.  We know that families and lifecourses play out differently across countries but the GGP allows us to examine this in detail and its unprecendented breadth enables scientists to examine the role of contextual factors such as culture, policy and historical context. Figure 1 illustrates just how common coresiding with a parent is for young adults and when they start to move out in all 19 countries of the GGP. Such simple indicators raise questions as to why continued coresidence is common in places as diverse as Italy,  Georgia and Japan, yet so uncommon in Scandinavia, Australia and France. The detailed micro level data of the GGP enables us to examine these cross national differences at the individual level.

Percentage of 20-35 year olds living with at least one parent

Source: Generations and Gender Survey Wave 1

GGP at a Glance No. 21 / April 2015
 

The GGP has recently intergrated the Harmonized Histories Dataset within the GGP Data Collection and it is now available to all users The Harmonized Histories are a simplified dataset that covers partnership and fertility histories as well as some primary indicators. The dataset also includes data from the United States through the National Survey for Family Growth and we hope to add data from other countries in the near future. The dataset has been specifically adapted for use in event-history analysis and is therefore ideal for analysing the retrospective history elements of the GGP. It is aslo ideal for teaching event-history analysis as it is a smaller and simpler dataset than the full GGP dataset. The dataset was developed by the Non-Marital Childbearing Network and colleagues at Max-Planck and the GGP will continue to work with them to further develop this useful addition to the GGP data collection.

Age of First Cohabiting Union and First Birth

Source: Perelli-Harris, Brienna, Michaela Kreyenfeld, and Karolin Kubisch. Harmonized histories: manual for the preparation of comparative fertility and union histories. No. WP-2010-011. Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research, Rostock, Germany, 2010.

GGP at a Glance No. 20 / February 2015
 

Living apart together (LAT) relationships are when a couple are in a relationship but choose not to live together. They are an interesting topic of study because data on these relationships is hard to come by as they do not appear in residency or marital registries. Surveys like the Generations and Gender Survey (GGS) are therefore vital in studying how prevelant these types of relationships are, what type of people generally have them and whether they are similar to marriage and cohabitation. Indeed, data from the GGS has been used by several international research projects which have examined precisely these questions. The findings suggest that such relationships are in fact a sizeable minority and often allow couples to meet short term work and educational requirements. They are therefore most common amongst the highly educated and those who are still in education. LAT relationships at older ages are most common amongst those  who have experienced divorce in a previous relationship and those wanting to maintain independence.

Percentage of Adults living in LAT relationships by Country

Source: The graphic contains data from Wave 1 of the Generations and Gender Survey and the following publication: Liefbroer, Aart C., Anne-Rigt Poortman, and Judith Seltzer. “Why do intimate partners live apart? Evidence on LAT relationships across Europe.” Demographic Research 32.8 (2015): 251-286.

GGP at a Glance No. 19 / December 2014
 

Separation and divorce have large consequences for the well-being of family members and for intergenerational exchanges. In France, almost one in five children whose parents have separated or divorced never see their father. Children with separated or divorced fathers often do not live with them but nonetheless see them frequently at young ages. However, the frequency of contact rapidly dwindles afterwards so that the proportion who never see their father reaches 19% at ages 18-21 and 32% at ages 30-34. This contrasts strongly with contact with their mother. With a few rare exceptions, children with separated or divorced mothers report living with their mothers until they are 18. When they are older, contact between children and their mothers remains strong with only 5% of children aged 18-34 never seeing their mother. Age 18 is a clear break-off point, perhaps because rights associated with parental custody which apply until the children’s 18th birthday.

GGP at a Glance No. 18 / October 2014
 

The contextual database for the Generations and Gender Programme contains over 100 macro indicators at the national and regional level. It draws on data from a number of sources and can be analysed either as a stand alone dataset or in conjunction with data from the Generations and Gender Survey. You can browse the data at ggp-i.org or you can choose to download the datafile itself in SPSS, STATA or CSV format (see page 3 for details). Data in the Contextual database streches back over four decades, enabling researchers to examine demographic change over time in Europe and beyond. Here  we can see the dramatic change in fertility over the past 60 years and how the fall and subsequent recovery in fertility occured in different countries at different times. It is also possible to vizualise events that shaped Europe’s demography, such as the regime transitions of the early 1990’s. This data therefore adds a great deal of context to the rich individual level data within the Gender and Generations Survey and represents a useful research tool in understanding families and relationships at the macro level.

GGP at a Glance No. 17 / August 2014
 

This month saw the release of wave 2 data for the Czech Republic, extending the number of countries for which have wave 2 data is available to nine. There are a further three countries (Italy, Austria and Russia) for which the data are currently being harmonised which will help extend this to twelve. Data from wave 2 allows researchers to examine one of the most compelling aspects of the Generations and Gender Programme which is the study of life plans and their realisation. Throughout the GGP questionnaire there are a number of questions relating to individuals intentions over the next 3 years and data from wave 2 helps researchers examine whether these plans are realised. Existing research from the GGP has suggested that there are considerable differences in realisation rates across countries, across socio-economic status and across gender. Data from countries like the Czech Republic therefore helps us expand this exciting and insiteful area of research.

Since wave 1, did you realise your intention to....

GGP at a Glance No. 16 / June 2014
 

The GGP is now over 14 years old and yet it continues to grow with the release of new data and an ever increasing number of users. Did you know that the number of users of the GGP has grown by 33% in the last 12 months alone and recently passed the 2,000 mark? This number is expected to continue to increase over the next year as data from the Austria, Czech Republic, Italy, Russia and Sweden is made available to users. The use of the GGP by the research community is further evidenced by the number of presentations at this month’s European Population Conference where 45 presentations will draw on GGP data as well as a further 16 posters. The number of studies based on GGP data in top journals also continues to increase as can be seen on page 2 where a handful of recent articles are detailed.

Registered users of the Generations and Gender Program in 2014

GGP at a Glance No. 15 / April 2014
 

One of the main subjects covered in the Generations and Gender Programme (GGP) is the interaction between work and family life. The graph below shows that maternal employment varies considerably across European Countries. These differences could be caused by a large variety of social, economic or cultural factors. The GGP is an invaluable tool for exploring this as it is the only data source that covers such a diverse range of indicators including values and attitudes, the distribution of household work, childcare availability and usage, policy indicators, work and educational histories, financial circumstances, social networks, housing conditions and the respondents beliefs, intentions andexpectations. These indicators, combined with the longitudinal and comparative design of the survey, make the GGP uniquely positioned to answer many pressing questions.

Percentage of Mothers with Children under 3 who are employed

Source: Generations and Gender Survey, Wave 1, - available here.

GGP at a Glance No. 14 / February 2014
 

The GGP now has an interactive bibliography that makes it possible for data users to submit their own publications, presentations and papers. We hope that this will make it easier to record and keep track of publications using GGP data. This is vital in demonstrating the value of the GGP to stakeholders and funding agencies. We would therefore be very grateful if you could take a few minutes to check whether we have recorded all your theses, papers, presentations, dissertations, reports and book chapters. If any are missing then you can log in to the GGP website and add whatever is missing. This will help ensure we are measuring the full extent of the GGP’s impact.

GGP at a Glance No. 13 / December 2013
 

The longitudinal design is a key aspect of the Generations and Gender Survey. As more wave 2 data becomes available, researchers are able to take advantage of the many benefits that longitudinal data brings. One of these advantages is the ability to observe events such as the birth of a child. The figure below illustrates that the percentage of women aged 20-35 who had a child between wave 1 & 2 varies considerably across countries. Due to the vast array of variables contained in the data, researchers will be able to investigate whether this is due to differing social norms, institutional constraints or some other factors. As we enter 2014, the GGP aims to release more and more wave 2 data to the public and support this longitudinal, comparative analysis.

Fertility between Waves 1 & 2 in the GGP

GGP at a Glance No. 12 / October 2013
 

This issue marks the launch of Wave 1 data from Poland. This adds yet another post-communist country to the GGP alongside Bulgaria, Georgia, Hungary, Lithuania, Romania and Russia. Poland is well known as having a unique attitude towards organised religion among these countries given its strong Catholic Identity. The graph below supports this as it shows that the large majority of Polish people have attended a religious ceremony in the last month. This religiosity may have considerable consequences for demographic behaviour as evidenced here where there appears to be a strong relationship between attending religious services and individuals cohabiting outside of marriage.

Religious Service Attendence and Cohabitation outside of Marriage

GGP at a Glance No. 11 / August 2013
 

You may know that loneliness is more prevalent amongst older people than younger people but did you know that loneliness levels also vary across countries? Data from the GGP illustrate that both older and younger age groups show higher levels of loneliness in Eastern Europe than those in Western Europe. Eastern European societies have experienced rapid societal and economic changes. These have often resulted in increased economic inequalities, poverty and psychological stress, each affecting the risks for loneliness.

Loneliness on the De Jong Gierveld Short Scale across 7 Countries

GGP at a Glance No. 10 / June 2013
 

Strong family ties can diminish people’s likelihood of having depressive feelings by providing material and non-material resources. Having both parents alive, having not experienced the divorce of one’s parents, and having siblings were all found to reduce the risk of having a depressive mood. Being married was found to have a particularly protective effect (after controlling for education, employment status, and financial situation). Moreover, this effect was found to be stronger in Eastern than in Western European countries suggesting that a more supportive welfare state can buffer the impact of not being married on one’s depressive mood.

Impact of marital status on the likelihood of having a depressive mood among adults age 18-79 in Eastern and Western European countries

GGP at a Glance No. 9 / April 2013
 

In most countries, cohabitors report lower levels of relationship quality as compared to married couples.However, the quality gap (between cohabitors and married people) is largest in countries wherecohabitation is less prevalent. Cross-national differences in the acceptance and prevalence of cohabitationmay therefore have an influence on how cohabitators perceive the quality of their relationship.It may contribute to making them more, or less, similar to married people.

Prevalence of cohabitors and relationship quality gap between cohabitors and married people (age 18 to 55)

GGP at a Glance No. 8 / February 2013
 

The presence of children is associated with greater inequality in the gender division of housework among couples in France, western Germany, and eastern Germany. In all three cases, couples with children share housework tasks less equally than their childless equivalent. However, major cross-national differences exist when it comes to the age of children. While in western Germany the inequality is largest when young children are present, and slightly improves thereafter, the exact opposite pattern is observed in France.

Gender division of housework by age of the youngest child

GGP at a Glance No. 7 / December 2012
 

Since the year 2000, a total of about 680 papers or reports based on GGS data have been published or presented at conferences. This includes more than 200 articles in scientific journals and 21 PhD theses. As of 2012, the GGP counts close to 600 registered projects, up from 100 in 2009!

Number of bibliographical units using GGP as the data source

GGP at a Glance No. 6 / November 2012
 

In addition to providing individual-level survey data, the Generations and Gender Programme (GGP) offers contextual data on demographic, social and economic conditions at the national and regional levels for up to 60 countries. These data are available in the GGP Contextual Database, which is integrated into the GGP web page. The GGP Contextual Database enhances the analytical potential of the Generations and Gender Survey by enabling users to link individual-level behaviour with information about the context in which the individual is embedded. The database is designed to support research into micro-macro links at the intersection of demographic and social science research. In addition, researchers interested in studying macro-level trends can also benefit from the data available in the GGP Contextual Database. The database is co-ordinated by the Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research in Rostock, Germany.

Main Contextual Database interface: Example

GGP at a Glance No. 5 / October 2012
 

Receiving childcare help from grandparents has a positive and significant impact on mothers’ labour force participation in some countries (Bulgaria, Germany and Hungary) but not in others. Findings thus suggest a complex interaction between formal and informl childcare, national context, and fertility decisions. Moreover, controlling for the endogeneity of grandparents’ childcare provision through the use of instrumental variables reveals considerable biases as compared to a “naive” probit model.

Estimated marginal effect of grandparents’ childcare provision on mothers’ labour supply a

Source: Aassve, A., Arpino, B., Goisis, A. (2012). Grandparenting and mothers’ labour force participation : a comparative analysis using the Generations and Gender Survey. Demographic Research. 27, 3: 53—84.

a: Estimated with a bivariate probit model, marginal effects after controlling for age, education, number and age of children.
- statistically not significant result; - statistically significant result

GGP at a Glance No. 4 / September 2012
 

The GGP NESSTAR Online Access enables searching, browsing and analyzing Generation and Gender Survey (GGS) data and metadata without the user having to access the micro-data files directly. The NESSTAR interface consists in an intuitive user-friendly analytical tool that allows visualizing data with tables and graphs as well as performing basic statistical analyses. Researchers, students, journalists, policy makers, and anyone interested can easily obtain a comprehensive overview of GGS data and metadata. The interface is maintained by the Survey Department of the “Institut national d’études démographiques” (INED, France).

Main NESSTAR interface: Example

GGP at a Glance No. 3 / August 2012
 

Both filial responsibility norms (from adult children to their elderly parents) and parental responsibility norms (from elderly parents to their grown-up children) display a clear East-West gradient. The gradient is however steeper in the case of filial norms. In both cases, the support for family norms is lower in Norway and higher in Georgia. In the North-west European countries, filial norms were moreover found to have a more open character in that adult children are expected to help older parents in case of need, but not necessarily to adjust their working lives to their parents’ needs. Stronger, and more unconditional norms, were instead observed in Eastern Europe.

Average value of the index of filial responsibility and the index of parental responsibility in seven European countries a

a: Mean score of a two-item index with each item measured from '0'(totally disagree) to '4(totally agree). A higher score thus indicates a stronger support for filial/parental obligations.Source: Daatland, S.O., Herlofson, K., Lima, I.A. (2011). Balancing generations: on the strength and character of family norms in the West and East of Europe. Ageing & Society, 31 (7): 1159—1179. 

GGP at a Glance No. 2 / July 2012
 

Both social pressure and emotional support (as a form of social capital) influence the likelihood of intending to have a second or third child. Being exposed to higher social pressure consequently results in a higher predicted probability of intending to have a child. The probability is however higher for men in France than in Bulgaria or Germany.

Predicted probability of intending to have a second or third child for men

Source: Balbo, N. & Mills, M (2011). The effects of social capital and social pressure on the intention to have a second or third child in France, Germany, and Bulgaria, 2004–05. Population Studies, 65 (3), 335-351.

GGP at a Glance No. 1 / June 2012
 

Among young adults age 20 to 39 years old, more than 40 percent have at least one biological grandparent who is still alive. Inversely, among older adults age 60 to 79 years old, around 80% have at least one grandchild. Increasing longevity and low fertility exert opposite effect on the availability of kins and on the prevalence of multigenerational families.

Availability of different types of biological kin (%) by age group

Source: Puur, A., Sakkeus, L., Põldma, A., & Herm, A. (2011). Intergenerational family constellations in contemporary Europe: Evidence from the Generations and Gender Survey. Demographic Research, 25(4), 135-172.